Unionism and the Republic

This is the conclusion of a much longer document which can be found here.

That document deals with the recent history of N.Irish Unionism’s relationship with the Republic of Ireland and how this could be utilised to our fullest benefit in the future.

In summary, compared to where we were in 2006, we now have:

1. Continuing secularisation of the Republic of Ireland’s (ROI) society
2. Increasing Unionist confidence in dealing with ROI, as a state and on an individual political and economic level
3. Development of two separate Sinn Feins, with different agendas, personnel, structures
4. Constantly strengthening cultural, social and political ties between the UK and ROI
5. Stark proof of the interlinking economic connection between the two states.

How should these factors change future Unionist policy towards the Republic?

With the setting up in 2012 of a proper standing secretariat for the British-Irish Council, Unionists must start to take fuller advantage of the all-islands’ potential offered by this body. There are reports detailing discussions with regards to electricity grids and abstract “economic growth”; informally links are being created on an individual and “governmental” basis between the different administrations operating within these islands. Such cooperation, even with nationalist parties, means greater Union on whole host of political, economic, social and culture levels. The BIC should also be used facilitate more intra-UK Unionist cooperation and its benefits, real and potential should be publicised to a much wider audience than at present.

Northern Irish Unionists enjoy a unique advantage due to their national identity and geographical location. Ireland, as an island, is not Unionism’s enemy; the vast majority of Irish citizens living in the Republic are not Unionism’s enemy, a large majority of the ROI’s political and business leadership is not Unionism’s enemy. N.Irish Unionism should therefore be playing a much more pro-active bridging role bringing our geographical neighbours and our fellow UK citizens living in Britain closer together. This can be accomplished by building up stronger relationships with the political, economic and media “players” and “influencers” in both the ROI and mainland Britain.

There remains an occasional knee-jerk reaction amongst political Unionism when the topic of economic cooperation with our nearest neighbours within the European Union is broached. From an economic and PR point of view this kind of attitude is counter-productive- each case should be examined on its objective merits and the only question which needs answering is “will this cooperation bring economic benefit to N.Ireland?” If it doesn’t (and often the proposals brought forward are based solely on political considerations), then a simple “No, this will cost not benefit N.Ireland” will suffice. If the answer is “yes”, then Unionists must have the self-confidence to get fully involved politically to ensure that the matter under consideration develops to not only the United Kingdom’s benefit but also consolidates not weakens our place within the Union.

The Belfast Agreement codified one ‘identity’ to be as valid any other on these islands. The changing social and economic climate in the Republic provides Unionists the opportunity to help define or renew identity in a way that is appropriate to both the modern age and also our political, social, cultural and historical background. Identity is (or should be) the choice of the individual: not as something defined in narrow, stereotypical terms and not identified merely by his/her attitude towards the UK, faith, culture and interpretation of the history of the island of Ireland.